Articles

This article analyzes the dynamics of the development of Catholic political doctrine. The author considers the features of its periodization and proposes to classify the key periods of the formation of the political doctrine of the Catholic Church based on its substantive evolution. Describing the specifi cs of each stage, the author demonstrates that the development of Catholic political doctrine is a consistent process of elaborating and codifying the position of the Catholic Church regarding key issues of socio-political and economic organization.

This article analyzes certain aspects of the historical consciousness of Russian youth related to the perception and use of historical analogies. The empirical basis of the study was the results of a survey conducted in September — November 2019 among students of higher educational institutions in Moscow, Kazan, Saratov and Penza (sample size — 576 people) as well as the results of a focus group adjacent to the Digoria All-Russian Forum of Young Political Scientists (Republic of North Ossetia — Alania, September 15–21, 2019). The authors demonstrate that the prevailing type of historical consciousness of students at present is “rationalempirical,” which assumes a non-critical perception of historical analogies. The features of this type were demonstrated via the example of the parallel between modern Russia and the Brezhnev-era USSR. The authors note that when faced with the need to justify this analogy, young people sense a lack of factual knowledge. This leads to a spontaneous “construction” of the past in accordance with current political attitudes of the respondents, and the communicative memory — reference to the opinions of older family members or other familiar representatives of the older generation — goes practically unused.

This article presents an analysis of the interaction and cooperation of diff erent states in the Arctic region. The author examines the relationship between polar changes and the increase in geopolitical and geo-economic importance of the Arctic and, as a consequence, the increased interest in the region. Particular attention is paid to the fact that the clash of interests of diff erent states is a clash of diff erent environmental, economic and geopolitical approaches. The latter leads to complications in the search for common interests and the construction of models for their coordination in order to develop mutually benefi cial cooperation and minimize the risks of confl ict situations in this part of the world. The methodological basis of the research consists of analysis and synthesis, description and explanation, the dialectical approach, systematic and comparative analysis, and forecasting. The main conclusion of the study is that climate change and energy resources in the region are leading to increased geopolitical, economic and environmental activity, and as a consequence, closer cooperation in the economic, political and environmental spheres is likely to continue in the future to support the domestic economy and the local environment.

This article analyzes Soviet and Japanese ideas of the phenomenon of buff er statehood. Russia (and later the USSR) and Japan were the main players in the international arena of northeast Asia in the fi rst half of the 20th century, and it is these countries which built up a chain of buff er states that were designed, on the one hand, to ensure their presence in the region and, on the other hand, to protect them from potential military threats. For Soviet Russia, the Far Eastern Republic, which existed in 1920–1922 with capitals in Verkhneudinsk (currently Ulan-Ude) and Chita, acted as an eff ective tool that successfully served these ends in the majority of the territory of the modern Far Eastern Federal District. For Japan, attempts to form a buff er state in the territory of Siberia remained at the planning level, while the policy for the occupied regions of northeast China proved to be more successful. The occupation of Manchuria and the creation of the “ideal state” of Manchukuo, the formation of buff er autonomies in 1935–1937 on the territory of northern and eastern China, and consolidation of the buff er states n 1940 into the alternative “Republic of China” allowed the Japanese to work out in practice a model of military and economic presence which was then extended to other Asian regions that were in their zone of occupation.

This article deals with the policy of national-territorial division of the Central Asian republics pursued by the Bolsheviks. The analysis of these events is very important, yet assessments of them have been ambiguous from the standpoint of political situations arising in the current period. Border confl icts related to the structure of settlement of various nationalities in Central Asia have occurred very frequently. In this regard, it is necessary to analyze the motives and objectives of the political initiative that divided the territory and peoples of the Soviet east. The author also treats the question of the development of a national idea by the Bolsheviks within the new multinational nation during the fi rst stages of the consolidation of the Soviet power. In a situation involving the coexistence of diff erent nationalities in one state, there is a need for a common strategy to create favorable living conditions for the entire population. During the Soviet period, the aim of the Party was to build a homogeneous classless Communist society. The justifi cation of party leaders was reduced to this model. The delimitation of the republics could partially solve this problem.

The construction of international transport corridors connecting the Asia Pacifi c region and the European Union certainly contribute to integration processes as well as stimulate the development of states along these routes. At the same time, it is obvious that the international transport corridors pose a distinct threat to small states, since they are a tool of infl uence or control. In particular, plans to build a China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railroad, which have been discussed periodically for more than 20 years, may be considered in this light. This article addresses the main challenges and prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic related to the implementation of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railroad project. In addition, the author discusses the results of other international transport projects implemented in the territory of the Kyrgyz Republic. Two conclusions represent the main fi ndings of the study: (1) The construction of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railroad will give impetus to the development and modernization of the transport infrastructure of the Kyrgyz Republic, notably in the context of breaking out of possible transport isolation; and (2) Special attention should be paid to the ecological and security issues connected with the construction and operation of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railroad.

This article addresses a number of acutely debatable issues related to the terminology, defi nition of the subject, the subject itself, the tasks and the principles of ethnopolitics. When considering the terminological aspects of ethnopolitical discourse, primary attention is paid to the use of the terms “nationality policy” and “ethnopolitics.” Based on an analysis of the fi eld and the subject of ethnopolitics, the author concludes that giving ethnic groups the status of full-fl edged political subjects leads to the dismantling of the civil and political unity of the nationality group. The article’s fi nal section discusses some examples of the typological approach to the models of ethnopolitics. The author demonstrates the lack of validity of a dichotomy of traditionalist and modernist projections of ethnopolitics, as well as the need to adjust the concept of “ethnic regimes.”